Greetings from Bern, Switzerland. Reflecting on the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, a place meant to be a sanctuary from the scorching Indian summer, where innocent civilians—men, women, children—were gunned down while trying to enjoy a moment of peace, my heart is filled with sadness. Pahalgam, with its tulips and fresh air, offered a brief escape from the polluted chaos of daily life in the Indian plains. And yet, even there, peace was shattered.
Looking back, one sees that Kashmir has always been more than just a valley. It is a “crown” perched at the edge of India, bearing the weight of history. From the time of Alexander the Great, who entered through the Hindu Kush and looked towards the subcontinent, the region has been at the eye of civilizational shifts. Later came Hindu kings, then Mughals. Akbar, in particular, tried to govern amicably, but even then, it was the Pandits who advised rulers and ran the administration. The valley was home to Kashmiri Shaivism, visited by Adi Shankara himself, who established temples and centres of learning. Over time, rulers changed, but culture endured. It was the Dogra dynasty under Maharaja Gulab Singh who reasserted Hindu rule in the region, and later Maharaja Hari Singh who found himself caught at a crossroads in 1947.
When the British left, they left behind confusion. Hari Singh, a Hindu ruler of a Muslim-majority state, was unsure whether to join India or Pakistan or remain independent. Pakistan, wasting no time, sent tribal militias to force the issue. India responded, and the first Indo-Pak conflict began. Hoping to resolve it diplomatically, Nehru took the matter to the United Nations. The UN, newly formed and unsure, proposed a ceasefire, demilitarisation, and a plebiscite. But as Nehru rightly noted, a plebiscite under threat of guns and fear of violence could never reflect true public will. The invader and the victim cannot be placed on equal footing.
To address this, Article 370 was introduced to give Jammu and Kashmir a special status while remaining in the Indian Union. Karan Singh, the Maharaja’s son, became head of state, while Sheikh Abdullah rose in political prominence. Land reforms were introduced under Abdullah, and many Pandits lost their holdings. Land was handed over to tillers, many of whom had converted. This shift, over time, altered the demographics and sowed seeds of deep unrest.
Through the 1950s and 60s, the issue remained unresolved. Then came 1971. India’s involvement in the Bangladesh Liberation War and the subsequent creation of Bangladesh dealt a deep blow to Pakistan. The Shimla Agreement followed, in which both countries agreed to resolve differences bilaterally. But even that could not stem the tide of violence. Pakistan nursed its wounds and sharpened its tactics.
Cross-border terrorism from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir became the next chapter. Militants trained in camps across the border began infiltrating the valley. Some were indoctrinated with extremist ideology, others lured with money and drugs. These young men were then sent back into the valley under the pretence of a local uprising. The goal was to keep Kashmir on the boil, keep India distracted, and project Pakistan’s military relevance on the global stage. The presence of Osama bin Laden in his Abbottabad haveli only confirmed what many knew. Pakistan was sheltering the very forces it claimed to oppose.
The recent Pahalgam attack is yet another reminder. Twenty-six innocent lives were taken in broad daylight. Despite photos of the attackers and ongoing combing operations, they remain unapprehended. That tells us something. Either they are receiving local protection, or the support system backing them is stronger than we admit. Intelligence failures must be acknowledged. It is not enough to blame state governments when full statehood has not even been restored.
The question is how we restore peace and stability within the valley and integrate the whole of Kashmir, including Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), from which the terrorists emanate and where the terrorist camps are established. We must reinforce our intelligence apparatus and maintain strong control over the Line of Control. If needed, there must be strategic operations in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. This is not about revenge. It is about our national interest.
After Pahalgam, what comes next? That depends upon whether we are willing to adopt strategically meaningful and effective action against Pakistan to prevent infiltration, with the help of world nations, both in the West and in the East, and bring about normalcy. We must get an assurance that Pakistan will not behave as a rogue element in the South Asian region. Even China can be cultivated. Diplomatically, we could discuss with them and even sign an agreement that in the event of Pakistan resorting to aggressive actions, China would remain aloof and not interfere in the conflict between Pakistan and India. Some of these settlements would help India restore normalcy in the region. They would also support the effort to provide statehood to Jammu and Kashmir and make it an integral part of the Indian Union.
Opportunities for education, employment, and tourism must be revived. Jammu and Kashmir must become a model for cultural and economic integration. Both Hindus and Muslims of the region must feel part of the Indian Union. We should not, in any way, even by mistake, attack any particular community by political leaders. We should always appeal to the unity and integrity of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
This is the moment for India to stand firm, act wisely, and restore normalcy to a region long denied its peace.
As I write this article, incoming reports suggest that the Indian Air Force (IAF) has conducted airstrikes on nine known terrorist camps located near the border in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). Government sources indicate that the IAF crossed into Pakistani territory and targeted terrorist residences and hideouts, including that of Hafiz Saeed—a known Pakistan-aided terrorist who masterminded the gruesome 2008 Mumbai attacks, including the assault on the iconic Taj Hotel, as well as several subsequent cross-border terrorist operations.
According to Indian sources and widely circulated claims, Hafiz Saeed was allegedly killed in the attack, along with several other suspected militants residing at the site. Tragically, reports also suggest that two children lost their lives in the operation. While the Modi government can now assert to its people that it acted decisively and quickly to retaliate within two weeks, the identities of the 36 Pakistani civilians killed in the strikes are yet to be disclosed, and the broader implications of this action remain to be seen.
This is only the beginning of a prolonged confrontation. It is foreseeable that both Pakistan and India will continue to exchange false accusations and counterclaims, presenting contested evidence to bolster their respective narratives.
Ultimately, one hopes that reason will prevail and both nations will come to their senses, recognise the value of de-escalation, and shake hands in the interest of their own citizens and for the sake of peace, security and stability in the South Asian region.
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