The interaction of women with violence has always been stereotyped. Previously, the vulnerability of women to the atrocities of wars was questioned as it was men who were forced into the battlefields. While now, the roles of women beyond that of victimhood go unrecognised. Common narratives on women like being weaker than men, individuals without agency, and incapable of taking violent or predatory roles in terror limit the understanding of the complex interaction between women and terrorism. Women have always been weaponized in acts of terrorism and ethnic cleansing. The strategic kidnapping of girls by Boko Haram and Al-Quaeda- to utilize them as suicide bombers, a token of negotiations, and vulnerabilities of the opponents have grown common. The majority in these conflict-ridden regions are still victims of rape, forced marriage, genital mutilation, and human trafficking. But, the increased recruitment of women into terrorist organizations is yet another reality in today’s scenery. Every extremist organization now has their all-women dedicated cells. Consequently, women-led attacks are also increasing. While women participating in counter-terrorism strategies are also ignored. Understanding the multi-dimensional and complex interaction between women and terrorism stands essential to tackling the issue of terrorism and other associated crimes. Therefore, studying this particular dynamic is essential for addressing the extremist and violent activities in the world’s most affected region, I.e., the SAHEL.
The SAHEL region consists of ten countries- Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, The Gambia, Guinea Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Senegal. Following the reports of the Global Terrorism Index 2022, these countries accounted for 43 percent of the total terrorism deaths- Burkina Faso scoring the highest amongst them. The region has been one of the major hotspots for extremists and terrorist activities, the primary actors being the Jama’at Nasr al Islamwal Muslimin, the Islamic State Sahel Province, Boko Haram, Katiba Macina, and Al-Qaeda among others. While the region is still undergoing the critical stage of illiteracy and gender inequality, the active role played by women in peacebuilding largely goes under the radar.
Women here use discretionary measures to enter a dialogue with extremist organisations. The age and social status of them plays an important role in the level of influence they have in the process. A 2021 study conducted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) had previously mentioned the success of these negotiations, through cases where corporal punishments on unveiled women were reduced; and restrictions on football were partially lifted. Incidences of local communities in Mali entering peace agreements with the Jama’at Nasr al Islamwal Muslimin have also been documented by the ISS, which mentions the role women played in the initial stages of negotiations by forming ‘close relationships’ with the extremists and gaining their trust.
These tactics used by the native women in the region, though successful, are considered less dignitary as compared to the techniques given by the Western agencies concerned with reducing extremist activities in the African region. The Women Preventing Violent Extremism (WPVE) programme, led by the United States Peace Institute, aims at empowering women by training them to lobby for interaction between terrorist organizations and governments. Mr. Colonel Daniel Stone, the Former Deputy Director of NATO’s Centre of Excellence Defence Against Terrorism (COE-DAT), had also emphasized involving women in the process of formulating and implementing counter-terrorism policies. The necessity of involving women in counter-terrorism activities has further been reiterated in the UNSC Resolution 1325 (2000). Women in terrorism help legitimize the act of violence and the value they support. While involving women in counter-terrorism activities helps reduce the gendered stereotypes exploited by the terrorists, the chances of them eluding punishments are reduced, thereby bringing sustainable peace.
This same strategy ought to be applied in the Sahel region, where women’s involvement at the local level can be witnessed, but no significant improvement can be witnessed at a macro level. Despite the multiple workshops conducted by the UN, EEAS and G5, to increase women’s participation in the process of counter-terrorism, their number within the security task forces remained low. In the end, governments’ will to involve women in the legitimate roles of counter-terrorism remained missing. In the end, the government and style of governance play a crucial role in determining the fate of citizens. The political instability in the region, along with the tilt towards authoritarian regimes has managed to break the bridge of communication between the states and the citizens. As the governments developed a highly unbothered attitude towards the needs and demands of their citizens, the only option available to women was to utilise the unofficial, less dignitary, autonomous channels to ensure peace at the grassroots.
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