Prof (Dr.) Oleg G.Karpovich, Vice-Rector, Director, Institute for Contemporary International Studies of Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation
In a world marked by shifting power centres and competing visions of global order, Russia continues to advocate for a “new Eurasian architecture of cooperation” under frameworks like the SCO and BRICS. Prof. (Dr.) Oleg G. Karpovich, Vice-Rector and Director of the Institute for Contemporary International Studies at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, in this interview with Diplomatist, offers sharp insights into Russia’s evolving priorities—from payment system convergence and energy trade with India, to Eurasian connectivity, sanctions, and the future of diplomacy in an age of technology and information warfare. His perspectives illuminate how Moscow views its partnership with India and its place within the wider Global South.
1. The 25th SCO Heads of State Council met in Tianjin recently. Beyond security wording, what concrete next steps do you see on the SCO’s long-discussed “independent settlement/clearing mechanism” and convergence of payment systems—and how might Russia prioritise pilots with India inside SCO formats?
I believe that movement toward the convergence of payment systems and creation on the new mechanisms shall be organized in mutual way as part of our common inter-governmental efforts in this direction. We may probably consider creation and development of the new SCO division responsible for these issues. But we must move carefully, remembering that the SCO is quite a huge organization that includes very different countries – some may need more time to adjust to such measures, and we have to avoid any discrimination and unnecessary rush. In this regard I think we certainly may prioritize pilots with India by discussing possible ways forward through our bilateral channels.
2. President Putin has repeatedly framed a “new Eurasian architecture of cooperation” in SCO fora (from Astana 2024 into Tianjin 2025). How does Moscow envisage translating this into deliverables over the next 12 months—trade facilitation, connectivity, or tech standards—and where does India fit in that roadmap?
President Putin has also mentioned the concept of the new architecture of the Eurasian security system. This is very important factor that includes other ones. Unfortunately, there was not much attention paid by our partners to the President’s crucial proposals. We should start more open expert discussion on the problems of the Eurasian security that will take us to better understanding on major differences and common ground between the SCO states.
3. India remained a top buyer of Russian crude in 2025; New Delhi is also receiving remaining S-400 units by 2026. What mechanisms are you using to stabilise settlements (rupee–ruble, SPFS/MIR linkages, bank-level workarounds) and to de-risk defence spares/support over the next few years?
We use all the available tools to stabilize and de-risk our partnership with India. As we all remember, in 2022 the collective West tried to isolate Russia and disorganize our relations with partners from BRICS and the Global South at a whole. Thanks to professionalism of our government officials, we created right atmosphere for substantive cooperation with India on bilateral and multilateral levels.
4. What are Moscow’s foremost foreign policy priorities today, and how do they balance relations with the West, Global South, and strategic partners like India?
Moscow foremost priority is the creation of the new architecture of the Eurasian security system and fast movement toward building of the multilateral world order. We continue to counter Western pressure and try to establish the dialogue with the USA, but nevertheless our main aim is to establish stronger ties with our partners at the SCO and BRICS.
5. The International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and Chennai–Vladivostok maritime route are gaining traction. How do these connectivity projects fit into Russia’s foreign policy priorities, and what role do you see for India in Eurasian integration?
These connectivity projects our important parts of our efforts to form the new architecture of the Eurasian security system. We can’t be successful if we move in this direction without India as the great power that helps to support stability and development in Asia so we will discuss in details with our Indian friends further steps on this way.
6. How do you evaluate the evolving dynamics of U.S.–China rivalry, and what implications does it have for Russia and the broader international system?
US-China rivalry is a dangerous and unpredictable one. We’re deeply worried about possible consequences of the poor judgment from the American side given the fact that Pentagon develops war plans for the case if two countries collide. We need to do everything possible to prevent and dramatic scenarios from happening, and the SCO is the best format to discuss preventive measures that can help us avoid catastrophe.
7. What is your perspective on the increasing use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool? Are they effective, or do they risk undermining the global economic order?
Increasing use of sanctions is partly the result of lobbying efforts by the Western business-elites, partly – a tool for Western politician to retain power. As Russian case brilliantly shows, all these sanctions are absolutely ineffective but they destroy the fundament of American-led system of the world trade, which surprisingly can help our countries to create new post-globalization concept of economic cooperation.
8. With the growing role of technology, information warfare, and cyber influence, how do you see the nature of diplomacy and negotiation evolving?
The nature of the diplomacy has been throughout the world history a most important part of international efforts aimed on the implementation of peace initiatives. I’m sure that even in the current turbulent and toxic environment we’ll be able to gain results by implementing multilateral crisis solving diplomatic initiatives. We have no other options.
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