India has taken a leap forward in increasing its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean by forming a maritime alliance with the Maldives, which was sealed during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the littoral state.
Addressing a joint press meet with Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu, PM Modi said, “This year, India and the Maldives are also celebrating sixty years of diplomatic relations. But the roots of our ties are older than history and as deep as the sea.”
“India will always support the Maldives to strengthen its defence capabilities,” he said after holding talks with President Muizzu.
Earlier, India and the Maldives had strained relations following the Maldivian elections in late 2023. The new government, which had a pro-China tilt in the past, now seems to be warming up to India, with President Mohamed Muizzu praising Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a “wonderful person.” This is significant, coming from someone who rose to power on an “India Out” campaign, followed by his cabinet colleagues making derogatory remarks against PM Modi. It reflects a notable shift in the geopolitical dynamics of the Global South.
The two leaders held talks on Friday to repair bilateral ties, with discussions focused on strengthening cooperation in trade, defence, and infrastructure.
After coming to power by promising to reduce Indian influence and build closer ties with China—including a first state visit to Beijing and agreements for Chinese military assistance—Muizzu now calls India a “trusted friend” and rolled out the red carpet for PM Modi, breaking protocol to personally receive him at the airport.
This change in dynamics can be attributed to the Maldives’ growing need for India as an economic partner.
India has long considered the Maldives a strategically important country in its immediate periphery. In 1988, a group of Maldivians led by Abdullah Luthufi, assisted by about 80 armed mercenaries of a Sri Lankan secessionist organisation, the People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), attempted to overthrow the government of the island republic. Back then, President Gayoom was saved from the coup by inviting Indian forces to intervene.
Then-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi immediately sent 1,600 troops by air to restore order in the Maldives through Operation Cactus—an act that helped seal Indo-Maldivian relations. Since then, a defence pact has been signed between the two countries. With Islamic militancy on the rise in the 1,400-island atoll state, the last thing India would like to see is the Maldives descending into chaos and potentially aligning more closely with Pakistan. India has, therefore, aimed to mediate between conflicting parties to help resolve the crisis.
In Beijing, there is mounting concern that India might soon rival China’s supremacy on the high seas. China has therefore adopted a “String of Pearls” strategy, which involves constructing bases around the Indian Ocean to encircle India. Ports currently under construction include one situated on the southern tip of Sri Lanka—ten miles from one of the world’s busiest shipping lines—and another near Gwadar in Pakistan. China is also courting Indian Ocean littoral states such as the Maldives, Mauritius, and the Seychelles, hoping to establish naval stations there in the near future.
Historically, all powers that aspired to control the Indian Ocean have sought a base in the Maldives. The southernmost island, Gan Island in the Seenu Atoll, served as a base for the British Royal Navy during World War II. Gan met the requirements for safe, deep anchorage in a strategic area. In addition, Antsiranana on Madagascar, Diego Garcia atoll, as well as the Aldabra, Farquhar Islands, and Île Desroches in the Seychelles are important strategic locations in the western part of the sea.
The base on Gan was set up by Britain in response to Japanese advances against Singapore and Indonesia during World War II. During the Cold War, in 1957, it was transferred to the British Royal Air Force, which vacated it in 1971 after the Maldives gained independence. Following the British departure, Iran, Libya, and the Soviet Union all tried to secure the Gan Island base to counter the American military presence in Diego Garcia.
India’s planned installation in the Maldives is largely to the benefit of the island nation, which does not have a navy of its own.
In an effort to increase its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean, India also plans to convert its current naval outpost in Lakshadweep into a fully-fledged operational base, capable of projecting power and providing sea denial and command of the sea capabilities—especially in relation to Pakistan.
The Indian Navy’s surveillance missions received a boost with the opening of a Naval Detachment (NAVDET) at Androth Island, situated in the Lakshadweep archipelago. The NAVDET extends the Indian Navy’s presence at Androth by providing a communication network to connect with the mainland.
The Lakshadweep NAVDET is primarily a tactical, defensive arrangement, but it can be upgraded to operate as a strategically offensive base. This setup is largely oriented towards balancing China’s growing influence in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Myanmar, Seychelles, Mauritius, and the Maldives—a matter of concern for Indian maritime security agencies.
From Lakshadweep, India, will also work closely with a network of 26 radar emplacements deployed across the Maldives’ atolls, all linked to India’s Southern Command.
New Delhi had planned to develop a naval base at Assumption Island in the Seychelles to further aid India’s power projection in the western Indian Ocean. While that now appears uncertain, if developed, such a base would also fall under Southern Command.
As part of its expanding maritime strategy, India also aims to consolidate its maritime cooperation with Sri Lanka. India, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives currently have a trilateral maritime security cooperation agreement, which might evolve into an informal strategic partnership—if not a formal alliance—aimed at curtailing Chinese maritime ambitions in the Indian Ocean.
Such arrangements help India expand its role and presence in the Indian Ocean by blending subtle diplomacy and capacity building with its forward naval presence.
Boosting that forward naval presence by strengthening links in the Indian Ocean will, therefore, be a priority for the Modi government. In addition to supporting a more effective maritime strategy, it could also complement the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), as both India and Sri Lanka are members, along with Mauritius and the Seychelles.
In conclusion, Prime Minister Modi’s trip to the Maldives is likely to be a game-changer in India’s Indian Ocean strategy, significantly boosting New Delhi’s overall maritime posture.
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