President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is in India from August 4 to August 8 for a state visit aimed at further strengthening the Philippines–India partnership. The visit seeks to proactively engage India across all aspects of relations—security, economic, science and technology, and cultural cooperation—while exploring new opportunities for collaboration.
The highlight of the visit will be the formal inauguration of a Strategic Partnership between India and the Philippines. This milestone is part of the celebrations marking the 75th anniversary of bilateral ties between the two countries.
Amid shifting power dynamics, the emergence of this new regional doctrine reflects India’s “Act East” policy and Manila’s pursuit of multi-vector diplomacy in response to China’s evolving maritime assertiveness. The partnership underscores mutual interests in building resilience against persistent coercive tactics in the South China Sea and in developing a rules-based maritime order.
Recently, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that territorial and maritime disputes should be resolved directly between the countries concerned, without third-party involvement. This statement came in the wake of the first-ever India–Philippines joint naval drill in the disputed South China Sea.
India–Philippines cooperation promotes democratic resilience in the Indo-Pacific, countering China’s authoritarian expansionism. Platforms like QUAD, the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI), and India–ASEAN ties serve as the broader democratic coalition supporting this agenda.
According to most foreign policy experts, India’s strong presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is essential to counter China’s growing influence, especially under its String of Pearls strategy. China’s increasing political and economic engagement with littoral states in the Indian Ocean—through port infrastructure development and financial diplomacy—has heightened India’s strategic concerns.
Beijing’s extensive investments in ports across the region have the potential to create a network that could threaten India’s control over Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs). Research vessels, which China has increasingly deployed in the Indian Ocean, have docked at Sri Lanka and the Maldives, raising fears of expanded underwater surveillance and intelligence gathering.
The Philippines, meanwhile, continues to face significant challenges with China in the South China Sea, primarily due to Beijing’s expansive claims and aggressive actions. These include harassment of Philippine vessels, militarisation of artificial islands, and restrictions on freedom of navigation—actions that cause environmental damage and risk escalation.
These shared vulnerabilities have laid the foundation for a strategic alignment that could be described as the Modi–Marcos Doctrine—focused on securing maritime sovereignty and democratic resilience in the Indo-Pacific.
Prime Minister Modi’s announcement of the Act East Policy in November 2014 at the Myanmar ASEAN Summit marked a decisive shift in India’s regional approach. This comprehensive strategy combined security, defence, and strategic objectives with economic and cultural engagement.
For decades, India–Philippines relations had remained relatively dormant despite the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1949. China’s increased assertiveness in the South China Sea created a strategic opening for India to position itself as a balancing power committed to maritime security and a rules-based order.
The transformation from Look to Act signalled India’s readiness to assume greater responsibilities in the regional security architecture, while maintaining strategic autonomy. This approach laid the foundation for the comprehensive partnership now seen in Marcos’s visit—where defence cooperation, economic integration, and strategic coordination converge.
The BrahMos missile deal stands out as a flagship example of growing India–Philippines strategic cooperation. The operational deployment of the system has strengthened India’s defence export credentials and contributed to a regional trend toward missile-based coastal deterrence amid increasing grey-zone maritime conflicts.
During President Marcos’s state visit, the two countries agreed to hold Tri-Service Talks between their respective Armies, Air Forces, and Navies, aimed at enhancing interoperability and strategic cooperation.
India is also in discussions with the Philippines regarding the development of submarine infrastructure. The two countries recently conducted their first joint sail and naval exercise in the disputed South China Sea—an act likely to draw a sharp reaction from Beijing.
Facing similar maritime vulnerabilities, India and the Philippines have turned to naval cooperation as a strategic tool to uphold freedom of navigation and a rules-based maritime order. Bilateral initiatives—such as PASSEX, port visits, enhanced domain awareness programmes, and expanded intelligence-sharing—are strengthening deterrence against grey-zone tactics.
This synergy complements multilateral security efforts, particularly those involving QUAD members and ASEAN, and reinforces a collective push for an Indo-Pacific based on international law.
China, while championing “ASEAN centrality” in public, has often undermined it through bilateral manoeuvres that weaken the bloc’s unity. Beijing’s delay tactics in the Code of Conduct (COC) negotiations for the South China Sea are a case in point.
The two nations have agreed to visa-free entry for Indian tourists to the Philippines and free e-visas for Filipinos visiting India. Direct flights between Delhi and Manila are scheduled to commence in October 2025, further boosting tourism and business exchanges.
Work has also begun on a Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA) to reduce tariffs on selected goods and services. This is in addition to accelerating the review of the India–ASEAN Free Trade Agreement, expected to strengthen the regional trade architecture.
India’s guiding principles—Neighbourhood First, Act East, and SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region)—have expanded its diplomatic and geostrategic reach. Maritime security remains a top priority, with India taking proactive steps to ensure freedom of navigation and counter non-traditional threats like piracy.
The Philippines, set to assume the ASEAN Chairmanship in 2026, under President Marcos, aims to steer the bloc towards stability and resilience, with a binding COC with China high on the agenda.
The Modi–Marcos Doctrine is not a formal treaty but a developing alignment of interests, forged through defence agreements, political signalling, and maritime cooperation. It is shaped by a mutual recognition that no single democracy can face rising hegemonic behaviour alone.
Its strength lies in its balance:
This doctrine could serve as a model for other middle powers—such as Vietnam, Indonesia, and African littoral states—demonstrating that cohesive, rule-based deterrence is achievable outside of rigid alliances.
As Prime Minister Modi aptly put it: “Friends by choice, and partners by destiny.”
Leave a Reply